FROM THE HALLS OF POWER TO THE LABYRINTHS OF INCARCERATION

I AM now incarcerated at Sungai Buloh prison after being released from the clutches of Mahathir's henchmen at Bukit Aman. Much as he wanted to, Mahathir could not keep me detained without trial indefinitely because of my habeas corpus application, which he had to avoid at all costs. The hearing of the application, if properly conducted, would have brought to light his role in the conspiracy against me. He just does not have the guts to face me in open court or anywhere else for that matter.

Mahathir is determined to keep me behind bars for at least four years. His original plan was to keep me incarcerated indefinitely under the draconian Internal Security Act (ISA), but the pressure against this has proven too great. My habeas corpus application, coupled with the international condemnation of the detention without trial, and the massive show of public support for me forced the tyrant's hand. But still he would not take any chances. Hence, bail has been denied and I am still behind bars.

The tranquility of the prison environment is a far cry from the notorious police lock-up at Bukit Aman or, worse, solitary confinement under the Special Branch's supervision. My whereabouts before this was unknown to me because I was moved about blindfolded and handcuffed.

What a relief! Now at least I can see the blue sky and the green oil palm trees. I can devour my books and spend time in contemplation without being constantly harassed. With prayers, reading and regular exercise, I am able to avoid the uneasy indolence of prison life. The prison staff and other inmates are friendly and supportive, leaving me quite reassured and heartened. Still, jail is jail; it is no bed of roses. And prison authorities are themselves baffled by Mahathir's misleading statement that I am accorded VIP treatment.

Although I must acknowledge the general sympathy of policemen who did not hide their disdain of Mahathir and police top brass, the three weeks I spent under police custody was pure hell. I was humiliated, tortured, stripped, denied any reading and fed meagrely with food wrapped in old newspapers or plastic.

The ordeal began about ten minutes after I was brought to the Bukit Aman lock-up, blindfolded and handcuffed. I was severely beaten on the right side of the head, the left part of the forehead, the left eye and the neck. Blood oozed from my nose and mouth. The intention, obviously, was to cause irreparable internal damage, since the blows were concentrated on my head and neck. As dozens of police officers and subordinate personnel have repeatedly told me, the torture could not have been carried out without the involvement of the highest authority in the police force and the blessing of the minister responsible. This issue is being investigated and, as usual, assurances of fairness are given for public and international consumption. I have every reason to doubt the outcome. I am aware of the instructions to police personnel not to record the appearance of prominent public figures at my lock-up. And Mahathir, in a typical outburst, has even suggested that my wounds were self-inflicted. I would not be surprised if it turns out that it was Mahathir's chief hoodlum, Rahim Noor the IGP, who beat me to a pulp under direct orders from his master. I admire the resolve of the police investigating team, but they will have to grapple with the known malice and bias of their top brass and the Attorney General's office. Both quarters are under Mahathir's thumb.

Recollecting the episode always sends a chill down my spine. Firstly, I regained consciousness only in the morning. I kept inquiring later from policemen on duty whether there were others who had entered my lock-up and applied anything to me. Secondly, why was I denied medical treatment for five days?

When I was asked to strip, I was extremely reluctant. I felt embarrassed, but they were adamant, saying they had to obey instructions. Police officers were noticeably focusing on my pubic area and buttocks. I was suspicious due to the fabricated charges against me; descriptions of my private parts could be given to others to help them further incriminate me.

Throughout the three weeks of ISA detention, the total time taken in serious interrogation was less than two hours. There were questions relating to Reformasi and suggestions that I should have been patient a while longer until I became prime minister before trying to initiate changes. I discussed corruption, abuse of power and the amassing of wealth by Mahathir and his close associates for their families and cronies. I told them to note Attorney General Mohtar Abdullah's enthusiasm in pursuing a technical corruption case against me. Obviously, he is acting under Mahathir's instruction and has chosen to be blind to the fact that Mahathir and his cronies have siphoned off billions. Mohtar cannot plead ignorance to this; he had, on a number of occasions, discussed with me this very crime involving Mahathir, Daim Zainuddin, Rahim Tamby Chik and some ministers. My interrogators generally stopped these serious discussions by calling for banana fritters and noodles, and we would then proceed with friendly chats.

Later, 14 Criminal Investigation Department (CID) officers took turns to obtain statements from me under sections 112 and 113 of the Criminal Procedure Code for possible offences, including corruption, sodomy and sexual misconduct with six women. The cases involving women have been temporarily shelved because it is more politically expedient to confine the sexual accusations to sodomy. There were also attempts to incriminate my wife Azizah over her remarks of concern for my safety under police custody and the possibility of my being injected with the HIV virus. I told them that after the Gestapo-like attack by the police, I did not preclude that possibility. I could not hide my contempt for this charade; I asked a very senior CID officer what other heinous charges they were going to throw at me. Treason? Selling state secrets? Murder?

The CID officers kept harassing me for hair samples, including pubic hair, and inspections of my private parts. I suggested that they consult my lawyers, who later advised me not to proceed. However, two forensic doctors from the General Hospital did take my blood to test for HIV. I had no choice but to concede when they invoked Section 7 of the Dangerous Drugs Act. I was later told by counsel that I should not have complied because I was not charged under that act.

After this three-week ordeal, on the eve of my release from ISA detention and my departure for prison, I was treated to a sumptuous lunch in private. I was not aware that this was a great police public relations exercise to bluff the world into believing that treatment under their custody was humane. What a cheap way of placating their political masters!

Naturally, I think of Azizah and the family, especially my ailing mother. And now Azizah and my daughter, Nurul Izzah, are being threatened with arrest. The ISA is being invoked to protect Mahathir and his cronies. Popular dissent and criticism of rampant corruption and abuse of power are construed as anti-national and a threat to national security. No one is spared the threat of harassment, interrogation or arrest—UMNO and opposition leaders, NGOs, Muslim activists, my personal staff and particularly supporters of Reformasi. There is a nationwide crackdown against all known supporters of reform. It is a final desperate attempt by a despised dictator to cling to power. Instead of trying to win popular and legitimate support, he is instituting a culture of fear.

The public is outraged over the continued repressive acts of the government to stifle dissent. There is a deliberate attempt to provoke peaceful demonstrators, who are portrayed as a mob trying to frustrate the functioning of a purportedly legitimate, democratic government. Every violent incident so far has been started by the police. And the arrests continue -- ISA for the leaders and the Police Act and whatever other laws they can use for their supporters.

Mahathir continues to rave like a grumpy, recalcitrant old man. He has become increasingly contemptible as he gives vent to his anger, venom and egoism. His intransigence is due to his blinkered and intractably condescending view of the general public as ignorant and indolent.

Absolute and arbitrary powers are used to trample upon people's rights in order to serve the cause of personal vendettas, not national interest. Mahathir is becoming increasingly obstinate and perverse, turning politics into a sordid occupation and politicians into a bunch of immoral sycophants. Even his most ludicrous ideas must be enthusiastically echoed and publicised by the government-controlled media because he must appear infallible at all times. And his capacity for remorse is zero. Even UMNO is not spared. Party officials are directed to convene special sessions to denounce me and other so-called traitors. In this incessant witch-hunt, even defunct and bankrupt politicians are employed, along with the usual scandalous haranguers.

Superman and King
Before my sacking, colleagues had advised me to exercise restraint and patience, to continue to support Mahathir in order not to jeopardise my political career. During my detention at the police lock-up, curious Special Branch officers asked what went wrong with my relationship with Mahathir. I admit that initially the relationship was cordial and comfortable. But in the last few years, egged on by his children and close political and business associates, he had become increasingly dictatorial and tyrannical, wanting a formidable historical imprint of his legacy. Since he tolerates no dissent or criticism whatsoever, he spews his venom on NGOs and the media. He uses the police, the AG and the judiciary to ensure his invincibility. Indeed, having out-manoeuvred virtually every challenge, he thinks of himself as Superman and a maestro at the divide-and-rule strategy vis-ŕ-vis the party, the country, and international relations. He relishes recalling his success at amending the constitution to reduce the Malay Rulers' powers and even gloats over his sacking of Tun Salleh Abas. Of course we supported him in the constitutional amendment issue, thinking rather naively that the powers taken from the Rulers would revert to the people and not go to him alone. How blind we were then not to see through his vile plan to eventually overthrow the traditional Malay Rulers and install himself as the supreme feudal lord of the Malays. Sure, my sacking required the signature of the King, but as far as Mahathir was concerned, he was the de facto King.

Frankly, it was rather embarrassing to see how he would swell up whenever praises were lavished on him to feed his ego, especially during UMNO general assemblies, when he was spoken of as the "the greatest PM, spokesman of the Third World, a leader for the world to emulate, architect of modern Malaysia," and so on, ad nauseum.

Driven by a self-induced frenzy to pursue his megalomaniacal fantasies, he became increasingly divorced from the real world. He could not differentiate the wants and needs of the people from his own egotistical desires. In the last few years, he has become increasingly isolated as he got impatient to get things done so that they would serve as monuments to his majestic rule. Surrounded by sycophantic courtiers, he failed to realise that his ideas were getting obsolete and irrelevant. He has delusions of grandeur and cannot but associate his rule with mega projects and superlatives -- the longest bridge, the tallest building, the grandest airport, the most awesome dam. To accommodate his ego, even his official residence must be nothing less than fabulous. The statement in Parliament that the cost would come to RM17 million is false. I know how the figure was manipulated. The building will be the biggest and most sophisticated palace in the country. It is designed personally by Mahathir. Everything about it is French. And the cost is RM200 million. I thank my lucky stars that the plan to build a new official residence for the Deputy Prime Minister was eventually abandoned. Initially, the cost was estimated at RM40 million. I was reluctant to accept the opulent design, but even after the architects had scaled down the project, it was to me still too ostentatious. Finally, with Azizah's agreement, I decided not to approve it at all.

As a high-ranking member of the administration, I often had to articulate and implement key policies. And when these were policies that I was personally unhappy with, I did so with great reluctance. But I took every opportunity to emphasise poverty eradication, low-cost housing, rural development, and small and medium-scale industries instead of mega projects. And whenever the opportunity to be bold presented itself, I criticised bailouts and the avarice of big tycoons and I called for greater commitment to democratic practices and the development of civil society. I even openly opposed Mahathir's attempt to initiate a no-contest rule in UMNO divisional elections, which was his way of pre-empting a possible challenge for the presidency.

Corruption, Nepotism and Mirzan
On a number of issues, I maintained my silence and concealed my revulsion against his intransigence and hypocrisy, which extended to condoning corruption and other excesses. But in the two months that I served as Acting PM, I had the opportunity to effectively assert some of my beliefs. I presided over the drafting of a new and tougher anti-corruption law in the face of objections by some Cabinet colleagues, particularly over provisions allowing prosecution even after a public official leaves office. Mohtar the AG had strong reservations for reasons best known to himself, but the then Director-General of the Anti-Corruption Agency (ACA) Shafie Yahya was with me and we prevailed. This episode probably confirmed to some of Mahathir's close associates their suspicion that I could not be relied upon to protect their interests if ever I took over as Prime Minister.

My decision to proceed with the Perwaja investigations, including probes into Eric Chia's affairs, and my statement in Parliament on the issue must also have been irksome to a few people, including Mahathir himself, for he had always been protective of Chia and he even, at one point, cautioned me against continued investigations. And my reference to V.K. Lingam being exorbitantly paid, as mentioned in the Price Waterhouse report, unsettled a number of people. But how could I, with a clear conscience, ignore the Perwaja scandal? It had cost the government more than 5 billion ringgit in losses and the initial ACA report had identified irregularities.

I must admit my naiveté in believing that Mahathir would act if I complained about corrupt practices I had uncovered, such as when I told him of reports that Daim had taken out of the country cash amounting to something between RM700 million and RM1 billion. I realized I had committed a blunder as soon as I mentioned this particular case. Mahathir was actually aware of it and my complaint had alarmed him though he tried not to show it. I also reported Daim's attempt to abscond with RM800 million worth of UMNO shares. He said he would deal personally with Daim, but as far as I know the funds have not been put in UMNO's account.

Our disagreements were particularly severe over amounts to be paid as compensation for the shelving of the Bakun Dam project and in the bailout of Mirzan Mahathir. It annoyed him that I insisted on the amount approved by Price Waterhouse for Ting Pek Khing's compensation. He wanted to give the RM1.6 billion which Ting demanded, which was about double the amount approved by the auditing company. In Mirzan's case, Petronas eventually paid RM1.7 billion for his Konsortium Perkapalan/Diperdana, although Mahathir thought his son should get the 2.2 billion he wanted. Petronas and I had insisted that the amount be decided by an international shipping valuer. Mahathir probably never forgave me for this. This time he made no bones about showing his displeasure. He kept sniping that his son had lost money in the deal.

I also had to exercise great forbearance and patience in the face of indignation and contempt for my relatively liberal ideas, particularly after the publication of The Asian Renaissance. While I promoted civil society, he disparaged it. International recognition and positive reports in the international media did not help either. He would brook no criticism, no matter how mild and reasonable. No one is too sacred to escape his outbursts -- the environmentalists, opposition parties, NGOs and human rights groups, intellectuals and Muslim religious scholars and, of course, the media. It would not be out of character for him to deny even literary and artistic freedom. The attacks against me began well over two years ago. Everyone knows that the "Et tu, Brute?" speech at the UMNO General Assembly was aimed at me.

The financial convulsions that have hit the region have also served to widen our differences. I am accused of being supportive of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), as if that is naturally a bad thing. The truth is that I accept only some of the IMF's prescriptions and I have consistently called for a new global financial architecture. I make no apologies for concurring with the IMF on the issue of corruption and bailouts. I insist that assistance must be transparent and not biased towards children and cronies.

Mahathir has adamantly refused to acknowledge the cracks and flaws in our economic system. Instead of addressing the corruption in our midst, he has accused other countries, especially those in the West, of being corrupt.

Mahathir's Paranoia
I suspect Mahathir's decision to remove me had been resolved by December 1997, although I did not sense it until February. But even then, I did not anticipate that Mahathir, after years of working closely with me, would act in such a despicable and shameless manner. I proceeded with government and party work and made a conscious decision to largely ignore the many warnings from my friends that Mahathir's apparatchiks had been working round the clock to vilify and malign me. As the UMNO general assembly approached, Mahathir got more and more paranoid. He had sleepless nights over the possibility of a no- confidence vote being taken against him. He feared even the appearance of any organised sign of discontent such as a banner calling for his resignation or even just jeering from members of UMNO youth. I told him I knew of no such plan, but he was adamant that someone was out to topple him.

He was furious when Zahid Hamidi spoke on corruption, cronyism and nepotism. He retaliated by releasing the privatisation list to prove that his family and associates were not the only ones benefiting from UMNO cronyism. This was a cheap trick. No differentiation was made between projects worth a few million ringgit and those worth billions.

The main objective of the revelation, however, was to show that I was not as clean as I claimed. But it wasn't explained that I had no part in approving those projects given to members of my family or that I was in fact unaware of some of them.

On the first day of the assembly, that calumnious book, 50 Dalil, was freely distributed among the delegates despite my having obtained a court injunction against it. Any intelligent observer would have seen then that a campaign to completely sideline me had begun in earnest.

Not long after the assembly, Johan Jaafar, Editor of Utusan Malaysia, resigned abruptly. Johan, like Ahmad Nazri Abdullah of Berita Harian and Yunus Said of TV3, who were also forced to resign, were among prominent journalists known to be close to me. The ground was now being prepared for the notorious trial-by-media blitz that was to come after my removal from government and party.

During the same period, Mahathir went on a nationwide tour and spoke of "shocking measures" that the government might institute to solve the economic problem. He was preparing the people psychologically not only for the currency controls, but also for my persecution. During this time, too, the Inspector-General of Police Rahim Noor was making regular visits to Mahathir's office.

And then, in early August, Datuk S. Nallakarupan was arrested. "We found bullets in his house," Rahim Noor told me when I inquired. "That fellow was born in Madras. Rags to riches man. Very suspicious." I appealed to him to do justice. He was to be charged under the ISA and, if found guilty, would be hanged. I learnt later that the CID presented him with prepared documents and asked him to sign them in exchange for charges carrying lesser penalties. These statements were in fact confessions to the effect that he had given me RM60 million, abetted me in treason and procured women for my sexual pleasure. These charges and their obscene details, implicating me in a variety of crimes ranging from treason to sexual misconduct, were widely publicised by the media when, after my sacking, the police and Mohtar the AG presented their affidavits against Nalla.

I knew that the game had been orchestrated from the very top political leadership. I appealed to Mahathir to put a stop to it, but he was evasive. Meanwhile, police were questioning my adopted brother Sukma Darmawan and several of my friends. And Mahathir, Mohtar the AG and Rahim Noor the IGP were insisting that I take a DNA test to prove that I had not fathered an illegitimate child, as alleged in the book 50 Dalil.

On August 12, Daim approached me just before a Cabinet meeting to tell me that Mohtar the AG had informed him on the previous evening that I would, that very morning, be charged for sexual misconduct, offences under the OSA and possibly treason. I stormed into Mahathir's office and demanded an explanation. During the altercation, he admitted that Mohtar had asked for his clearance before charging Nalla and 50 Dalil author Khalid Jafri. (Khalid had been charged with publishing false news for lying about my fathering an illegitimate child.) After listening to me a while, he called Mohtar on the phone and said, "Wait for my clearance," referring to charges against me. We argued for one hour. I asked what the charges were so that I could defend myself before him. "I don't know the details," he said. "But you can write an explanation." I asked why Daim was involved in this; he and the AG seemed to be discussing the case on a regular basis. "I need to consult someone," Mahathir protested.

On August 25 and 28, I wrote to Mahathir about the conspiracy to shame me and destroy my political career. We had a number of meetings at his office and residence and I could sense his animosity. I challenged him to state his stand on morality. He had never been known to be too concerned about the moral conduct of officials and had even tolerated those bringing in women in private jets and bypassing immigration. And he has yet to respond to Marina Yusoff's allegation of sexual impropriety involving himself and his colleagues. Marina, who used to serve in the UMNO Supreme Council, made this allegation in a speech before thousands at my house after my sacking. Not only is he tolerant of sexual immorality, he has even prevented the prosecution of ministers against whom the ACA had evidence of serious corruption. And in his Cabinet, there is even a suspected accomplice to a murder.

I asked him: "You mean to say that a person is not qualified to become PM because of sexual misconduct?" He didn't miss the sarcasm and dared not answer. And then he said: "But you are different, more religious. I cannot allow you to inherit this post and responsibility." I said: "Enough of this hypocrisy. I accept the conditions (for inheriting his office). But don't fabricate lies." Then I asked: "What is the real issue?" He would not answer.

Meanwhile, Rahim Noor the IGP, Mohtar the AG and Chief Justice Eusoff Chin were seen several times going to his office and residence. And here we have Mahathir suddenly singing praises about how independent our judiciary is. What business had the

Chief Justice in making regular visits to Mahathir's residence?

The resignation of Bank Negara's Governor and Deputy Governor further infuriated him although I don't believe this contributed to my sacking.

Mahathir Loses His Marbles
Mahathir chose to wait until after he had announced the new financial controls before giving me the ultimatum to resign or be sacked. On September 1, he called the Mentris Besar (State Chief Ministers) for a meeting, where he lied through his teeth about my alleged sexual indiscretions. And he used indirect threats against them to ensure their support. The next day, at 12.45 in the afternoon, he told me: "Resign or be sacked with grave consequences." My retort was unhesitating. "I'm innocent and I'll have to expose your conspiracy," I said. "You are the investigator, prosecutor, judge. You fabricate lies for your own political agenda. It's going to be messy, I can assure you. I will not resign. But I will still consult Azizah."

Mahathir had been sure that I would resign for fear of retribution, arrest and the shame of facing such gross charges in court. Furthermore, according to his perverted understanding of Asian values, "a loyal subject should die rather than disobey the emperor."

My decision to face dismissal instead of resigning was according to the dictates of my conscience and my tenacity of purpose. I was aware of a conspiracy at the highest level to protect the corrupt and conceal abuses. It was good that I did anticipate Mahathir's ultimatum, but the unfolding of events was turbulent and traumatic, and beyond my worst expectations. We are dealing with an old wounded lion who is desperate to keep his hold on power. The man has lost all his scruples and, indeed, his very sanity.

At 5.30 p.m. I received the letter of dismissal. That night, before a large crowd that had gathered at my house, I gave a speech outlining the events leading to my sacking and anticipating further fabrications.

Mahathir struck quickly. On the morning of September 3, four affidavits containing wild, scandalous, unsubstantiated allegations against me, who was in no way related to the criminal proceedings in hand, were served on Datuk Nallakaruppan (who was charged with a death penalty offence under the draconian Internal Security Act.) The affidavits were produced in court by the prosecution at about 9.35 am. Nalla's lawyers opposed the affidavits on the ground that their contents were irrelevant to the offence. The judge, Wahab Patail, who is the brother of Abdul Ghani Patail, the Chief Deputy Public Prosecutor handling the 10 charges against me, adjourned the hearing to 2.00 o'clock that afternoon in order to hear and rule on the objection. Nalla's counsel applied to have the affidavits embargoed pending the judge's ruling but the judge refused, saying the affidavits "had been filed and had, therefore, become public documents." This is indeed a startling decision, because every lawyer worth his salt knows that an affidavit does not become a "public document" unless and until it has been read in court. To publish the contents of the document before it is read in court constitutes a serious contempt of court. (NB: This same judge was the one who dismissed as "scandalous" the averments in my wife's affidavit supporting my habeus corpus application on October 28. In fact, my counsel objected to his hearing the case on account of the obvious fact his own brother was the chief prosecutor.)

Consider how farcical this entire episode was. On the one hand Wahab Patail deemed it necessary to adjourn the hearing to consider the admissibility of the affidavits. On the other hand, he ruled that the affidavits were public documents and could be made available to the Press for immediate publication. Indeed, the Malay Mail, an afternoon daily, published the affidavits in a special edition, undoubtedly designed to inflict maximum damage to my character. The next day, the normally staid and squeamish Malaysian press went to town in an orgy of slander against me. Nalla's own affidavit, alleging police brutality while he was under ISA detention and their futile attempts to make him sign statements incriminating me, was virtually obliterated.

Daim and Other Sycophants
I am not surprised by the ferocity and viciousness of the media campaign to vilify me. After all it is masterminded by no less than Daim himself, through his side-kick Ahmad Sebi, a businessman and former journalist who had tried many times in the past to persuade me to mount a challenge against Mahathir from within UMNO. And now he turns out to be one of Mahathir's chief sycophants, although in front of me, he always spoke of Mahathir and Daim in the most contemptuous and dismissive terms. Interestingly enough, Ahmad Sebi was among the most vociferous and vicious in disparaging and ridiculing Kadir Jasin, the Editor-in-Chief of the New Straits Times Group. I gather Kadir has now to eat humble pie daily and take instructions from Sebi, who once told me that Kadir "could not write a decent sentence in English if his life depended on it."

Mahathir, Eusoff Chin and the Emasculation of the Judiciary
The Mahathir-controlled local media has played its role as scandal-mongerer to the hilt in this case, insulting the intelligence of their subscribers in the process. They have even questioned the propriety of my support of Lim Guan Eng, another obvious victim of a conspiracy between Mahathir, Mohtar the AG and Eusoff Chin the CJ. My stand on the Guan Eng case was clear even before I was sacked. Asked by a Malaysian student in London to comment on it, I said the government may need to study and undertake reforms of the country's law which punishes a person who exposes alleged wrongdoings but takes no action against the person accused of such wrongdoings. Any right-thinking person would find difficulty in reconciling in his mind the fact that omeone championing the cause of a rape victim is in jail, while the rapist goes off scot-free. And now this criminal has been hand-picked by Mahathir to be among his chief spokesmen, to tell the public that I am "morally unfit" to become Prime Minister.

Undoubtedly, the independence of the judiciary is of paramount importance in ensuring the separation of powers, which is a cardinal principle of any civilised democracy. Alas, instead of acting as a fortress against gross abuse of power by the executive, the judiciary under the rule of Mahathir has displayed a record of collusion, bringing the dministration of justice into disrepute. Beginning with the sacking of Lord President Tun Salleh Abas in 1988, and the consequential suspension of five Supreme Court judges who refused to bow to Mahathir's wishes, this dictator has ensured that the judiciary remains subservient to his caprice. Two of those judges were eventually dismissed by a kangaroo tribunal. In what is now notoriously known as the Ayer Molek case, where the plaintiff is controlled by one of Mahathir's chief cronies, Vincent Tan, the Federal Court under Eusoff Chin went overboard in criticising the Court of Appeal, which had the moral courage to assert judicial independence by dealing with the case on its merits and principles of justice. N.H. Chan's judgment denouncing collusion between unethical lawyers working hand in glove with corrupt judges would have been a classic instance of impartial justice according to law and conscience and not justice dictated by vengeance and greed. I took it upon myself to circulate the Appeal Court's judgment at a Cabinet meeting, only to find out later that this was seen as an attack against the Chief Justice, ipso facto Mahathir.

Likewise, my speeches on the rule of law in international conferences did not sit well with the powers that be. In one speech, I said that corporations are not known to be coy about exercising their power to influence judgments in their favour. I also said there are only two types of lawyers-those who know the law and those who know the judge. I was told that in that particular instance Eusoff Chin the CJ, who was at the conference, felt edgy and subsequently had sleepless nights, pondering whether the statements were directed at him.

The current delay in the appointment of certain Federal Court nominees by the Rulers' Conference is seen to be the result of yet another attempt on my part to frustrate Mahathir's plan to stack the court with judges who are prepared to do his bidding. I am not saying this as a generalised attack on all members of the judiciary because there are still many incorruptible and morally upright judges, but they have already been penalised for doing their job without fear or favour. To them I say: Be patient, for the truth shall prevail.

On the evening of September 4, the UMNO Supreme Council convened a meeting which began with Mahathir saying, "Anwar has to be sacked from the party for sexual misconduct." Before coming for the meeting, the members of the council had already received faxed copies of the police affidavits against Nalla, as if the day's media assault was not enough. I also knew that for weeks Mahathir had had secret meetings with UMNO Mentris Besar to psyche them for my eventual ouster. Significantly, on September 1, the night before my sacking, Mahathir summoned all the UMNO Mentris Besar for a meeting which in effect was nothing but a trial in my absence. I was later informed that Mahathir, acting as both judge and prosecutor, had found me guilty of a number of sexual offences.

Nevertheless, contrary to reports quoting Mahathir, the council's decision to sack me from UMNO was far from unanimous. The only ones who clearly supported the dismissal were Megat Joned, Rafidah Aziz, Sanusi Junid, Abdul Hamid Pawanteh and Tajol Rosli, who said: "My philosophy in politics is, the boss is always right." A few voiced support for me, but the majority wanted me to take leave pending trial although, at that time, I had not yet been charged.

Reformasi Begins
The gathering at my house on the evening of Sept. 3 turned out to be the spontaneous beginning of the Reformasi movement. Night after night, thousands would turn up to show their support of my cause and their disdain and contempt of Mahathir and his clique of corrupt conspirators.

The authorities, unnerved by this unexpected wave of dissent, soon began calling in my friends and members of my staff for questioning and arresting some of them.

Sukma and Dr. Munawar Anees were arrested, incarcerated and tortured into falsely admitting that they allowed me to sexually molest them. Throughout their detention pending trial, they were denied access to their lawyers. When they appeared in court, no one but the blind could have failed to notice the evidence of physical and mental torture on their persons. The trials, held in separate courtrooms, were exceedingly speedy. They both made their admissions and were sentenced to six-months' jail.

I am touched by the support of family, friends and others who believe in me and the struggle for reform. It is indeed gratifying to see that in spite of the use of the formidable state apparatus to assassinate my character, the support gets bigger and more vociferous with every new attempt by the Mahathir forces to justify my persecution.

I must thank my loyal friends in UMNO, including party chiefs -- except those in high positions - who have voiced support for me in spite of threats by Mahathir's office and the police. The Special Branch has indeed become the Party President's personal tool for stifling dissent. I acknowledge too the role of NGOs, Muslim scholars, religious groups, professionals and, particularly, people in the middle and low income groups in making the Reformasi movement a force that must be reckoned with.

I knew there would be support for me, but I certainly did not expect it to be so overwhelming in terms of both numbers of people and intensity of feeling. Every strata of society and all age groups are represented in this people's movement to press for reform, although the most visible are youths from both urban and rural areas. Malaysia is undergoing a radical change, and I m confident that it is for the better. The people can no longer stomach unjust policies and practices; they want the freedom to speak and their rightful say in the running of the country. The tide is irreversible.

Mahathir Desperate
The fervor of the Reformasi movement surprised Mahathir too. And as his fear grew, he became more repressive. He has repeatedly said he would leave once he receives a "signal" that he is no longer wanted. The weekly demonstrations by thousands and the mass resignations from UMNO are more than a signal; they are a deafening roar telling him that he must go. He survives only because he is able to use the instruments of government to create a climate of fear. Eventually, in a desperate bid to remain in power, he will declare a state of emergency. The hints are already there. A few of his unofficial spokesmen, such as Rais Yatim, have begun to sound out this possibility. After the APEC meeting, Cabinet ministers and other officials will make direct calls for a state of emergency so that he can say he has no choice but to declare it. It was gratifying to see Malaysians of all racial and social backgrounds rallying to the call for reform. Although the government- controlled media downplayed, completely ignored or tried to discredit the gatherings at my house, the crowds grew larger by the day and shouts of "Reformasi" and "Mahathir resign" grew louder. Finally, after a week, I had to accede to requests for a "road show" for the benefit of supporters who could not make the trip to Kuala Lumpur to listen to speeches by Reformasi leaders.

The nationwide tour proved to be a resounding success not merely because of the huge turnout but more so because of the unprecedented show of opposition to Mahathir. The anger came to a climax at the Dataran Merdeka gathering, where Malaysians from all walks of life, of all ages, and transcending ethnic and religious differences gathered to denounce Mahathir and demand his resignation. This has since been followed by repeated and massive demonstrations, a collective clamor of the people which Mahathir has chosen to describe as mob-rule, hiding his shameless cowardice under the mask of his usual arrogance. He continues to be utterly contemptuous and dismissive of the voice of the people.

The push for reform must continue. Why should the people continue to be beaten up by the police, or locked up for exercising their constitutional right to assemble and express their loathing of the Mahathir regime? Are the people expected to continue indefinitely to endure the ranting and raving of a senile, power-drunk tyrant? Long live Reformasi.

Anwar Ibrahim,
Sg Buloh Prison,
3 November 1998.

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